When reviewing The “Muslim Manifesto (1990)” for the UK, written by Kalim Siddiqui in consultation with leading Muslim community figures in Britain, I am undecided on how to view the UK Government’s performance in dealing with the advance of Islam in British Society over the last 29 years, i.e. since the publication of this manifesto document.


Key points from this manifesto include:

  • Establishing the ‘victim narrative’ describing the Government, all political parties and the mass media as waging a ‘relentless campaign to reduce the Muslim citizens of this country to the status of a disparaged and oppressed minority.’ The manifesto demands all Muslims must resist and fight all forms of oppression. (page 1)

This ‘victim narrative’ persists to this day whereas in fact the Government and other bodies cited seem to be incomprehensibly supportive of Islam irrespective of its impact on the rights of others for example women and homosexuals.[1]

  • Making it clear that Britain’s ‘offer’ to integrate and/or assimilate with British Society ‘must be firmly resisted and rejected.’ (page 2) avoiding the ‘corrupt bogland of western culture and supposed “civilization”.’ (page 30)

Our government believes the lack of integration is due to inadequate access to English lessons whereas it is in in fact a result of a Qur’an ordained policy.[2]

  • Denouncing any Muslims who pursue integration or disown jihad as being ‘modernist, apologetic Muslims’ in submission to British colonial attitudes.
  • Explaining the goal of creating an ‘elected house of representatives’ to represent Muslims in Britain and, recognizing that this was not achievable in the short term. Settling for an “invited” house, to be called the Council of British Muslims to act as a “Muslim parliament” in Britain. (page 5)

A “Muslim parliament” can only have the purpose of legislating and directing the Muslim people of the UK – a parallel government.

  • Viewing Muslim women to be more oppressed in the West than in the traditional Islamic societies of Asia and Africa. It also explain that ‘a Muslim women cannot be a western woman.’ (page 7)
  • Defining the view that the Muslim youth ‘is largely uncontaminated by the culture of alcoholism, drugs, sexual promiscuity, and other forms of delinquency that is rampant among the youth of mainstream British Society’ and the intent to nurture the Muslim youth in a lifestyle ‘to support the long term goals of Islam.’ (page 9)
  • Detailing the plans to invite non-Muslims to Islam (Da’wah), the importance of ‘the taqwa (piety) of Muslim youth, the modesty of Muslim women, the stability of the Muslim family, the absence of drinks, drugs and sex related crimes…’ in winning non-Muslims for Islam. (page 30)

In view of the industrial scale grooming and gang rape scandal these morally superior assertions have not aged well.

  • Explaining their willingness to accept the protection of the UK Government and obey its laws as long as those laws ‘does not conflict with their commitment to Islam and the Ummah (the global community of Muslims)’. The manifesto then lists some of the areas where the laws of the UK are ‘in direct conflict with the laws of Allah.’ (page 11)

Muslims are instructed not to obey the law if they perceive it to be at odds with the demands of Islam.[3]

  • Stating that Muslims will demand ‘for as long as may be necessary that the British State provide them, their religion and culture protection from gratuitous insult and abuse…’ making it clear that they ‘will not tolerate being insulted… on the grounds of their religion, culture and traditions.’ (page 12);
  • Celebrating the death sentence passed on Salaman Rushdie by Ayatollah Khomeini on 14th February 1989 – for allegedly insulting Muhammad. (page 19);
  • Citing the ‘”liberal” lobby’ as the agitator for unrestrained free speech (including criticism of Islam) and stating the possibility of defining ‘”no go” areas where the exercise of “freedom of speech” against Islam will not be tolerated.‘ (page 29)

The first action of any totalitarian régime is to silence criticism through fear and intimidation. Efforts to ban criticism of Islam continue and fear of reprisals is a key tool in (de facto) achieving this objective.

  • Making Allah’s demand clear[4], that Jihad is a basic requirement of Islam and that living in Britain ‘does not absolve the Muslim from his or her duty to participate in jihad:’ and this may be by going to fight abroad or by providing material support to those engaged in fighting. (page 11 and 12)

It should not be a mystery that so many young British Muslims went abroad to fight for ISIS and so many British Muslims helped them on their way.

  • Explaining the strategy of ‘agitating to a point where the social, political and economic cost of keeping The Satanic Verses in circulation becomes prohibitive’ and how this event suggests the Muslim community may have to engage in civil disobedience in order to get what it wants. (page 27)

The recent troubles experienced by Parkland Community School and other Birmingham schools – regarding their inclusive agenda – highlights Islam’s ability to mobilse, agitate and engage in civil disobedience.

  • Presenting the Muslim community’s need for a commission to keep the actions of the UK Government and Law Courts ‘constantly under review’ to check on the implications for the Muslim community. (page 34)
  • Planning to achieve alterations to the National Curriculum where the content is at odds with Islam. (page 32)

Islam plans to (and is) shaping British Society to meet the requirements of an Islamic society.

  • Sharing the fear that future generations of Muslims will sell off the mosques to ‘the highest bidder’ (having abandoned their faith) – much like Christians have sold off churches (some being converted into mosques) and the strategy to address this, involving the next generation of Muslims in the management of the mosques. (page 24)
  • Extending Muslim education beyond small children to young Muslims including education in ‘Muslim political thought’.
  • Using Islam’s financial resources to fund Muslim students going into higher education in order to strengthen their attachment to the mosque in later life. (page 35)
  • Defining the strategy to draw talented Muslims into the leadership of mosques and explaining the critical role mosques have in educating and mobilizing the Muslim community in achieving the goals of Islam. (page 23)

Islam is planning for the long term and nurturing, educating and funding children and young people to ensure they are faithful to the goals of Islam in the years to come.

  • Outlining the need to ‘raise funds on a large scale’ to support the specific actions of the manifesto including the establishment of the Muslim Education Commission, The Muslim Law Commission, a Loan Fund for Students in Higher Education, Muslim Weekend Colleges and eventually the Islamic University,…’

The ideology and plans outlined in The Muslim Manifesto nearly 30 years ago are completely clear. These plans have not been the only warnings about the militant, expansive and uncompromising agenda of Islam; we can study the teachings of numerous British Islamic scholars; we can reflect on the actions of those inspired to violence by Islamic texts; we can read Islam’s sacred texts; we can listen to the proclamations of Islamic governments.

Despite what is stated on page 1 of The Muslim Manifesto (for the UK): i.e. the Government, all political parties and the mass media are waging a ‘relentless campaign to reduce the Muslim citizens of this country to the status of a disparaged and oppressed minority.’, in fact, in 2019 we live in a world where the institutions cited appear to behave in completely the opposite way. The Government, all political parties and the mass media collaborate to silence criticism of Islam, to promote it and provide an environment in which it can flourish, it’s influence in every sphere of life and institution can continue unchecked and Islamic Law (Shariah) can expand its reach across the UK. This leaves me undecided.

I’m not undecided about Islam but I am undecided about how to view the Government’s performance on dealing with issues presented by the advance of Islam in British Society. The Muslim Manifesto together with the most basic understanding of Islamic ideology and any effort to interpret geo-political events should have prompted the Government to take immediate steps to challenge the influence of Islam in every sphere of British life. Unfortunately, nearly 30 years after the publication of The Muslim Manifesto our successive governments seem to have pursued a policy of accommodation and submission to Islam’s demands.

Have successive UK governments been:

  • Ignorant? – Not knowing the threat Islam presents to our freedom, equality, democracy and sovereignty. Well, much like in our legal system, ignorance is no excuse.
  • Apathetic? – Knowing the threat Islam presents to our freedom, equality, democracy and sovereignty but not valuing these things sufficiently to cause them to take action to halt the advance of Islam in our political, education, media and legal systems and institution.
  • Cowardly? – knowing the threat, valuing our freedom, equality, democracy and sovereignty but being too frightened to take decisive action to halt Islam’s advance.
  • Complicit? – through ideological pursuit of multi-culturism, secularism or a ‘progressive liberal’ agenda, striving to promote all cultures and ideologies as having equal worth, and consequently abandoning the UK’s Judeo-Christian heritage.
  • Incompetent? – knowing the threat Islam presents to our freedom, equality, democracy and sovereignty, valuing these things and therefore resolving to take action but being just plain incompetent.

It doesn’t matter which of these is the reason for the failure of successive UK governments, the advance of Islam and its influence in every sphere of British Society has been an extraordinary ‘success’.

[1] See European Council Resolution no. 2253 (2019) urging the Uk to take action on Shariah and UK Government’s own ‘independent’ – hopelessly flawed – review of Shariah (Feb 2018).

[2] Qur’an, Al-Mâ’idah – Sûrah 5:51

[3] Qur’an – Âl ‘Imrân – Sûrah 3:31-32 and Al-Ahzâb – Sûrah 33:1-3

[4] Qur’an, At-Taubah – Sûrah 9:86-88

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